The purposes of this chapter are 1) to
illustrate the changing dynamics of scientific organizations of past century
with the perspective of history of governmental policy, business history, and
STS, and 2) to introduce, broadly defined, STS community’s reactions on such
changes. Authors begin the essay by declaring their position that “commercialization
of science turns out to be a heterogeneous phenomenon, resisting simple
definition.” (p. 636) Beyond the simple dichotomy between before/after
commercialization, authors synthesize the various scholars’ work to summarize
the history of commercialization of research university.
Authors
categorize the history of 20th century science organization into three periods –
Captains of erudition regime, Cold war regime, and Globalized privatization
regime. (See p. 641, the table 26.1 which literally summarizes the more than
half of this chapter)
The
age of ‘Captains of erudition’ was approximately from 1890 to the Second World
War, which covered the progressive era and the age of structural formation of
large-scale research system of the nation. By citing business historian Alfred
Chandler frequently, authors emphasize the parallel construction and
organization of mass markets which is accompanied by the rational
organizational response of science-based industry for technological imperatives.
Emergence of large firms in Progressive era and governmental reaction to avoid
the trust initiated the corporations’ competition on patent and intellectual
property for the indirect control of market. Role of patronage institute such as
Carnegie Corporation and Rockefeller Foundation was part of legacy of massive
industrial corporations.
The
Cold war regime took the radical departure from the previous period, as new
international, institutional, and political context exerted the control on scientific
organizations. Experience of large scale national research project for radar,
atomic bomb, and cyclotron changed the role of government in scientific
development. In short, rise of science ‘policy’, which implies the managerial
role of government, well summarizes the characters of this period. Thanks to the
war experience that warranted the linear model relationship between basic and
applied science, corporate laboratories began to focus not only on maintenance technology,
but also on basic research. University research laboratory could be circumscribed
as an ‘ivory tower’, as science contained the value of “purity”, “freedom”, and “democracy”.
Thus, image of academic freedom is largely the historical legacy of the Cold
war regime, according to authors.
The
third regime, the Global privatization regime, is the contemporary age from
1980s. The beginning of the new age was oil-shock and economic crisis that
changed companies’ organizational structure from the Chandlerian (hierarchical)
corporation to the diversified structure. In this diversified structure,
especially under the globalization context, the function of labor and research
began to be ‘outsourced’ and distributed to international partners and universities. University,
which had been an ivory tower in Cold war period, attained the research function
not only for industry, but also for their business – patents. Bayh-Dole Act of
1980, Stevenson-Wydler Act of 1980, the National Cooperative Research Act of
1984, and the National Technologies Transfer Act of 1989 augmented University’s
research activity for patent right.
As
explicitly claimed in the chapter, one of authors’ purposes is to complicate the
story, thus to avoid the narrative that simplifies the commercialization of university
as a result of their relentless pursue of money. In other words, commercialization can
be understood by the historical context of governmental policy, industrial
structure, and international politics, indeed reveals the importance of contextualized
understanding of it. If there are
contributions by STS scholars about the commercialization, they are detailed
stories about changing structure of this cluster.
Then,
how do we understand this changing structure? Authors introduce two major
frameworks that describe the commercialization – Mode-2 and Triple Helix. To be
succinct, authors criticize that 1) these frameworks are lack of empirical
evidence, and more importantly, 2) both of Mode-2 and 3H frameworks provide the
safeguard to scholars who want to adhere to neoliberal understanding of science
and technology. In detail, those theories accept that ‘knowledge’ is for ‘thing’
and ‘product’, and then serve for generic neoliberal vision of science and
technology that “any marketized science whatsoever inevitably enhances freedom,
expands choice, encourages extended participation, and improves overall
welfare.” (p. 670) For authors’ stance, blurring the distinction between
university and corporation, or private and public is part of neoliberal world
view which those theories are articulating without much concern. Turning into
STS’s role in understanding the commercialization, as a concluding mark, authors
assure that “disaggregation of science into its component structures and the
disaggregation of its manager into divergent agents is the first step toward
constructing a sociologically aware account of the economics of science.” (p.
671)
Questions: 1. Does commercialization of
university necessarily mean university’s focus on ‘applied’ research? It looks
like authors are using ‘basic research’ function of university as an evidence
of less commercialized university in the past periods. Isn’t commercialization about
the ‘monetary relationship’ with other institutions? Then, could 'basic research' be the factor to decide the stage of commercialization?
2. Focus of Mode-2 and 3H is not to claim
the normative vision for the future. In other words, as we read last week, the
main function of Mode-2 and 3H framework is to describe the changing structure,
even though Mode-2 theory lacks the empirical evidence. In that sense, is it
fair to criticize that Mode-2 and 3H framework are admitting neoliberal order?
3. This could be ‘unfair’ question;
however, what is STS in authors’ sense?
Authors - Mirowski is a Carl Kohh Chair of Economics and the History and Philosophy of Science, University of Notre Dame; Sent is professor of Economic Theory and Policy at the University of Nijmegem in the Netherlands.
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